Showing 1 - 6 of 6 Items

Date: 2021-01-01

Creator: Marcus Helble

Access: Open access

Throughout the 20th century, Argentine leaders and social actors attempted to shape distinct national identities and a sense of nationalism that corresponded to their respective political ideologies. Beginning in the first couple decades of the 20th century, the formation of a Jewish “other” would be central to the construction of both Argentine national identity and nationalism. This thesis argues that the military dictatorship that led the country from 1976 to 1983 built on this othering of the Jewish community as military leaders sought to forge a national identity linked to Catholicism. It focuses first on three separate periods of the early and mid-20th centuries and how governments in that period built, maintained, and altered the view of the Jewish community as a not fully Argentine “other” living in the country. Using several editions of a far-right antisemitic periodical, declassified State Department documents, and testimonies of Jewish political prisoners and soldiers, the thesis transitions to focus on the military dictatorship of the 1970s and 1980s. It examines two separate periods of the dictatorship, highlighting first the role antisemitic beliefs, and opposing such views, had in an internal power struggle within the military government. In the second period of the dictatorship, during the Malvinas (Falklands) War, the thesis examines how antisemitism became a central part of the military’s efforts to consolidate a sense of national unity during the conflict, even as Jews participated largely for the first time within Argentine nationalism and the military.

Date: 2023-01-01

Creator: Julia Lyne

Access: Open access

This thesis studies the deterioration of U.S.-Cuban relations from 1958-1961. Mainly drawing from primary sources from the National Archives, it seeks to answer and understand how and why relations deteriorated so rapidly. It pushes against the common belief that U.S.-Cuban relations were doomed from the start, instead highlighting in Chapter One Fidel Castro’s rise to power (and Fulgencio Batista’s fall from power) and revealing that the U.S. government was not entirely against Castro’s seizure of power. Chapter Two explores Castro’s first year in power and the (futile) attempts made by both governments to keep relations alive. Finally, it closes with the destruction of official and unofficial relations, suggesting that President Eisenhower’s covert approval of the invasion of the Bay of Pigs marked the covert ending to political relations as well as rising economic and political tensions due to an incompatibility of demand and interest in the sugar and oil industries. Ultimately, this thesis suggests that it was not just a matter of communism that led to the destruction of U.S.-Cuban relations at the time; instead, it was because of compounding effects of other various other economic and political factors and incompatibilities, such as the sugar and oil industries, public and political slandering and attacks from both sides, and an increasing acceptance of the Soviet Union and its supporters. This analysis does not seek to argue against the influence of communism in its entirety; rather, it aims to highlight and nuance the contributing factors to this deterioration.

Date: 2014-05-01

Creator: Georgia C Whitaker

Access: Open access

In this study of the roots of Operation Condor, I track the development of this unusual military alliance forged by six Southern Cone governments (Chile, Argentina, Brazil, Bolivia, Uruguay, and Paraguay) during the 1970s, as well as the push-and-pull relationship between the transnational migration of political militants and the military’s impetus for collaboration. While most accounts of Condor focus on the United States as the operation’s primary orchestrator, I contend that initial motivation for the type of cooperation that Condor would later formalize was driven not by the U.S., but by the Southern Cone militaries’ perception that Marxism had to be excised from the entire region. In addition, while Condor scholars have either ignored or minimized the role of the left as political actors and placed the blame for violence exclusively on the militaries and the United States, I draw from unpublished Argentine police records, Argentine Embassy documents, and Chilean-Argentine solidarity group publications to argue that it is essential to broaden our understanding of what both sides in this ideological confrontation were attempting to accomplish. The transnational left, never a homogenous group, evolved to meet a variety of objectives. Many militants continued to be politically active while they were in exile, and many acted in solidarity with like-minded leftists in their midst.

Date: 2013-05-01

Creator: Reilly Hannah N Lorastein

Access: Open access

This project focuses on American prison writings from the late 1990s to the 2000s. Much has been written about American prison intellectuals such as Malcolm X, George Jackson, Eldridge Cleaver, and Angela Davis, who wrote as active participants in black and brown freedom movements in the United States. However the new prison literature that has emerged over the past two decades through higher education programs within prisons has received little to no attention. This study provides a more nuanced view of the steadily growing silent population in the United States through close readings of Openline, an inter-disciplinary journal featuring poetry, essays, fiction, and visual art created by incarcerated students enrolled in the College Program at San Quentin State Prison. By engaging the first person perspective of the incarcerated subject, this project will reveal how incarcerated individuals describe themselves, how they maintain and create intimate relationships from behind bars, and their critiques of the criminal justice system. From these readings, the project outlines conventions of “the incarcerated experience” as a subject position, with an eye toward further research analyzing the intersection of one's “incarcerated status” with one’s race, class, gender, and sexuality.

Date: 2014-01-01

Creator: Allen Wells, Natalia Sanz González, (translator)

Access: Open access

Setecientos cincuenta refugiados judíos dejaron la Alemania nazi y fundaron la colonia agrícola de Sosúa en la República Dominicana, que en ese momento estaba bajo el régimen de uno de los dictadores más represivos de Latinoamérica, el general Rafael Trujillo. En este libro, Allen Wells, hijo de uno de los colonos de Sosúa, cuenta la historia del general Trujillo, Franklin Delano Roosevelt y los afortunados pioneros que fundaron, en la costa norte de la isla, una exitosa cooperativa de productos lácteos de propiedad de los mismos empleados. ¿Por qué el dictador admitió a esos desesperados refugiados cuando muy pocas naciones aceptaron a los que escapaban del nazismo? Ansioso de mitigar las críticas internacionales después de que su Ejército masacrara varios miles de haitianos desarmados, Trujillo mandó a sus representantes a una conferencia sobre los refugiados del nazismo realizada en Évian, Francia, en 1938. Propuesta por Roosevelt para desviar las críticas a las políticas restrictivas de inmigración de su Gobierno, la Conferencia de Évian resultó un completo fracaso. La República Dominicana fue la única nación que aceptó abrir sus puertas; el oportunista Trujillo buscaba “blanquear” la población dominicana, recibiendo refugiados judíos, quienes en Europa eran ellos mismos sujeto de desprecio racista. Debido a que los Estados Unidos no admitieron números significativos de refugiados judíos, alentaron a Latinoamérica a aceptarlos. Esta propuesta, sumada a la preocupación mayor de Roosevelt de luchar contra el nazismo, fortaleció las relaciones estadounidenses con las dictaduras latinoamericanas en las décadas que vendrían.

Date: 2023-01-01

Creator: Edwin Sánchez Huizar

Access: Access restricted to the Bowdoin Community